The President of the Philippines has the mandate of control over all the executive departments, bureaus, and offices. This includes restructuring, reconfiguring, and appointments of their respective officials.
The President of the Philippines has the power to give executive issuances, which are means to streamline the policy and programs of an administration. There are six issuances that the President may issue. They are the following as defined in the Administrative Code of Executive orders — Acts of the President providing for rules of a general or permanent character in implementation or execution of constitutional or statutory powers shall be promulgated in executive orders.
Administrative orders — Acts of the President which relate to particular aspects of governmental operations in pursuance of his duties as the administrative head shall be promulgated in administrative orders. Proclamations — Acts of the President fixing a date or declaring a status or condition of public moment or interest, upon the existence of which the operation of a specific law or regulation is made to depend, shall be promulgated in proclamations which shall have the force of an executive order.
Memorandum orders — Acts of the President on matters of administrative detail, or of subordinate or temporary interest which only concern a particular officer or government office shall be embodied in memorandum orders.
Memorandum circulars — Acts of the President on matters relating to internal administration, which the President desires to bring to the attention of all or some of the departments, agencies, bureaus, or offices of the government, for information or compliance, shall be embodied in memorandum circulars. General or special orders — Acts and commands of the President in his capacity as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines shall be issued as general or special orders.
It is important to note that during the term of President Ferdinand E. Marcos, he used executive issuances known as presidential decrees as a form of legislation. These decrees have the full force and effect of laws because at the time the legislature did not exist and, when the Constitution was put into full force and effect, it gave the power to the President to do as such. This continued until the first year of President Corazon C. However, President Aquino opted to used executive orders instead of presidential decrees.
The President of the Philippines has certain powers over non-Filipinos in the Philippines. The powers he may exercise over foreigners in the country are as follows:. Powers of eminent domain, escheat, land reservation and recovery of ill-gotten wealth. The President of the Philippines has the authority to exercise the power of eminent domain. The power of eminent domains means the state has the power to seize or authorize the seizure of private property for public use with just compensation.
Furthermore, Article III, Section 9 2 , provides that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation. Once the aforementioned conditions are met, the President may exercise the power of eminent domain which are as follows:.
Power of eminent domain — The President shall determine when it is necessary or advantageous to exercise the power of eminent domain in behalf of the national government, and direct the solicitor general, whenever he deems the action advisable, to institute expropriation proceedings in the proper court. Power to direct escheat or reversion proceedings — The President shall direct the solicitor general to institute escheat or reversion proceedings over all lands transferred or assigned to persons disqualified under the constitution to acquire land.
Power to reserve lands of the public and private domain of the government —. The reserved land shall thereafter remain subject to the specific public purpose indicated until otherwise provided by law or proclamation. Power over ill-gotten wealth — The President shall direct the solicitor general to institute proceedings to recover properties unlawfully acquired by public officials or employees, from them or from their nominees or transferees. Within the period fixed in, or any extension thereof authorized by, the constitution, the President shall have the authority to recover ill-gotten properties amassed by the leaders and supporters of the previous regime, and protect the interest of the people through orders of sequestration or freezing of assets or accounts.
The President may appoint officials of the Philippine government as provided by the constitution and laws of the Philippines. Some of these appointments, however, may need the approval of the Committee on Appointments a committee composed of members from the House of Representatives and the Senate of the Philippines.
The President of the Philippines, as chief executive, has the mandate to supervise local governments in the Philippines, despite their autonomous status as provided by Republic Act No. Traditionally, this is done by the Department of the Interior and Local Government, headed by a cabinet secretary—an alter ego of the President.
Aside from the aforementioned powers of the President of the Philippines, he can also exercise powers enumerated in the constitution, and powers given to him by law. The constitution provides for a line of succession in the event that the elected President of the Philippines is not able to discharge the duties of his office due to death, disability, or resignation. The following is the line of succession:. The Congress of the Philippines is mandated enact a law calling for a special election three days after the vacancy in the Office of the President and Vice President.
The special election should occur 40 days after the enactment of the law, but not later than 60 days after the enactment of the law.
The Vice President of the Philippines is elected by direct vote by the people for a term of six years, and may run for reelection once. The term of the Vice President of the Philippines starts at noon of the 30th day of June after a regular election is held. In the s George H.
Bush was tasked with forming vital relationships with heads of state and international dignitaries. Other vice presidents focused on creating policy. Under President Bill Clinton, Al Gore was a powerful advocate for the environment and brokered a last-minute agreement in Kyoto, pledging reduced emissions on the part of the United States.
Legislators never ratified the treaty in the U. Richard Cheney was seen as reinventing the vice presidency by taking on a greater role in President George W. Vice presidents also still attempt to use the role as a springboard to the presidency—though the last to succeed was George H. Bush in The vice presidency has long been what the officeholder is willing to make of it. And though little is certain in politics, the office is sure to continue to evolve alongside the republic the vice president serves.
All rights reserved. From opponent to running mate The role of vice president was a governmental afterthought—it was created only at the very end of the Constitutional Convention, which relegated it to a committee that handled unfinished business. A vaguely defined role Throughout the 19th century, vice presidents were seen as politically expedient during an election, when they could be used to gain critical electoral votes and balance out the geographic appeal of a presidential candidate.
Vice presidential power grows In the 20th century, presidents became more involved in the selection of their vice presidents and gave them more power. Editor's note: This story has been updated. It was originally published on July 20, Share Tweet Email. Why it's so hard to treat pain in infants. This wild African cat has adapted to life in a big city. Animals Wild Cities This wild African cat has adapted to life in a big city Caracals have learned to hunt around the urban edges of Cape Town, though the predator faces many threats, such as getting hit by cars.
India bets its energy future on solar—in ways both small and big. Environment Planet Possible India bets its energy future on solar—in ways both small and big Grassroots efforts are bringing solar panels to rural villages without electricity, while massive solar arrays are being built across the country.
Go Further. The only other formally recognized duty of the Vice President is to preside over and certify the tally of electoral college votes after a Presidential election has taken place.
However, the role also brings with it many visible, informal responsibilities. These would typically vary depending upon the relationship between the President and Veep of the day, but have typically included:. Other than this, vice presidential candidates don't require any special qualifications. In practice, however, most candidates have served in Congress, and some have been high ranking military officers or state Governors. There were three important factors. First, on presidential disability, the impetus for change came from the White House.
In Congress, hundreds of representatives and senators each consider hundreds of issues and balance the interests of hundreds of clamoring interest groups.
By contrast, when President Eisenhower suffered his serious health issues, he was just one man presented with one very stark reality: if he ever got really sick, the Constitution would not handle it well.
This was particularly problematic in the middle of the Cold War. Second, the shocking assassination of President Kennedy in November created a brief window of opportunity, during which the nation was more inclined than usual to look at issues outside of the usual interest-group politics.
Third, and probably most important, was the extraordinary leadership of Senator Birch Bayh. The subcommittee had already been considering these issues, but Bayh committed energy and political capital to making the project a high congressional priority.
Unusually, he did this despite the lack of an obvious, immediate political payoff. Although the Twenty-Fifth Amendment had all of these things going for it, other factors caused it to be less-than-perfect; the Amendment has several errors and omissions in it. These imperfections show some of the pitfalls of enacting technical amendments. Perhaps the most surprising error in the amendment is an actual typo. Besides, the leaders figured that everyone would know what they really meant.
A very different sort of imperfection is incompleteness. The framers of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment made a conscious choice to leave some things unaddressed. One is vice-presidential disability.
Section 2 only provides for filling vice-presidential vacancies; it does nothing about a situation in which a Vice President is only incapacitated. Also, in Section 4, nothing can be done to transfer power away from a disabled President if the Vice President is disabled too, or if the vice presidency is vacant. If Congress only took final action on provisions that were complete and perfect, it would never act. Perhaps the most problematic imperfection in the Twenty-Fifth Amendment is a poorly drafted part of Section 4.
Several commentators reading this provision have casually assumed that the President would retake power immediately, and would be sidelined again if the Vice President and Cabinet re-declared that he is disabled within four days.
That reading is wrong. The Vice President continues as Acting President during the four-day waiting period, and the President does not take power back until it is over. But in the heat of a power struggle between an allegedly disabled President and his Vice President, a defiant President would have every incentive to read Section 4 as giving him back his power immediately, and little reason to research the legislative history.
He might even purport to fire his disloyal Cabinet, to prevent them from re-declaring his disability, and name loyalists as acting Cabinet members. Ideally, Congress—or if not, then the courts—would step in and settle the matter very quickly, but if there were two people claiming to control the presidency and two sets of people claiming to be the Cabinet, a lot of damage could be done in a very short time.
But a completely perfect version of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment would have been much more difficult—if not impossible—to construct. As a purely technical and procedural provision, there really is no other amendment like it.
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